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| Rose Angela's daughter Jackaline and her son Arnaldo |
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| This is the only photo I have of Rose Angela |
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| Rose Angela's daughter Jackaline and her son Arnaldo |
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| This is the only photo I have of Rose Angela |

In the favelas rural and urban lifestyles often clash. In the photo above a boy, Luã, stands near the river. Behind him a herd of stray horses grazes. No one knows who brought them, but they must have been too costly to keep and were set loose. They roam the town eating out of dumpsters and blocking traffic.
Stray livestock was a common sight even in the most industrialized quarters of the city. The two other pictures show a herd loitering in front of a used car lot and two horses chomping at a garbage sack.Ironically the horses adapted better to city life than many Northerners.
Josette and Luã’s grandmother, the woman slumped in the pew, never adjusted to city life. She moved with her two grandchildren from Natal soon after Luã was born. (None of them ever told me what happened to Luã and Josette’s parents.) From the beginning their Grandma hated city life. She tried to farm but people trampled and built on her garden. She tried to keep chickens but the neighbors stole them or they fell prey to stray dogs. Over the years she gave up everything but five beehives she kept on their small patio, and the drums of animal lard she boiled down into soap. Eventually she took to watching T.V. and mumbling quietly to herself about the old days. Josette was left to keep her family afloat.
Luã would follow us as we worked in the neighborhoods. He taught me to build and fly my first kite. He always talked about his older sister, but after a month in Perus I still hadn’t met her. When she finally came to church one Sunday, she explained to me why she was never home. She was a substitute teacher. The schools in Perus are free, and a major draw for emigrants, but they are dangerous, under funded, and desperately overcrowded. (Not forty-students-in-a-single-classroom-overcrowded, like I’d seen in Utah, but too-many-students-to-fit-in-the-building-overcrowded.) The schools run in four shifts. From six to ten in the morning, then from ten to two, two to six, and finally from six to ten at night. Most teachers work two or three shifts but Josette, as often as she could, taught all four, a fourteen-hour day.
When I was in high school in Utah, the whole country reeled to see the school shootings at Columbine. In the few months I was in Perus, there were two shootings at the school, each was reported only once in the local news.
Josette’s situation was rough but hopeful. She could use her job to study, she spoke English well, and she was applying for a scholarship funded through our Church’s “Perpetual Education Fund.” As a substitute, she could also use her connections to help Luã. She could get him textbooks, notepads, pencils, even a calculator. Luã is a good boy and, like his sister, he works hard. They’ll survive. But many children in the system don’t have their advantages.

The first day I saw the Recanto I wasn’t scared at all. The old electric train wound its way through green hills. Shantytowns lined the tracks. Shacks clumped together in the low valleys. Despite the crowded train, the incessant heat, the unfamiliar Portuguese babble all around me, I burned with excited. My first assignment in the city, just what I’d been praying for. The Recanto dos Humildes clings to the edge of Perus, a town fifty miles or so north of São Paulo. It would be wrong to call Perus a suburb, though it may have started that way. Rather, Perus is a microcosm of the city, a mini São Paulo, facing all of the major challenges of the metropolis, only on a smaller scale.
At the train station I met my new companion. (Our missionaries always work in pairs.) He came from California and had been in Perus for six weeks. He helped carry my bags and led me into the town. I followed close behind him as we tunneled through the crowed alleyways. People pushed passed us. Chickens squawked in cages and vendors shouted over each other. Above our heads, clotheslines crisscrossed from window to window. Murky, pungent water trickled over the uneven asphalt.
“We’re going to Maria’s house for lunch,” my companion told me, looking back over his shoulder. “She’s a good cook but after, we’ll have to help her husband Claudio wash his legs. Try not to stare.”
“Stare at what?” I asked but he didn’t answer. We stopped in front of a large gate. It was solid metal, ten feet tall, with spikes on top, not at all inviting. My companion clapped loudly and called,
“Maria! It’s the missionaries.”
The gate swung inward and Maria answered, her smile shining, her granddaughter in her arms. Maria was as warm and inviting as the gate was ominous.
Maria and Claudio have been members of our congregation since they trekked down from Piauí, a state in Northern Brazil. When she met me she cried. I was surprised and sorry, not knowing what I’d done. But my companion laughed, and then Maria laughed.
“Don’t worry about it Elder, (all the missionaries are called Elder) I always cry.”
“It’s true,” my companion agreed, “Everyone calls her Irmã Chorona, (Sister Cryer).”
“Yes, Irmã Chorona,” she smiled, “I always cry, but never because I’m sad.”
She told me she didn’t cry the day they left the North with all their possessions on their backs, but she cried the day they arrived in their new home. She said she didn’t cry when her husband couldn’t find work, but she cried when he bought a wheelbarrow, filled it with wildflowers to sell, and returned home with his first day’s earnings. She said she didn’t cry when her husband’s legs started to swell and crack, and he could no longer push his wheelbarrow, but she cried the day he gave up drinking and started going to church. She didn’t cry at funerals, or at hospitals, but she cried every time a new missionary came to visit.
Slowly, over black beans and rice, interrupted many times by tears, Maria told me the history of their own little metropolis.
Perus is one of many favela-towns surrounding São Paulo and provides a textbook example of the country’s social stratification. The World Bank rates Latin America as, “the most (economically) unequal region in the world, and Brazil is the most unequal country in the region.”
In most areas the slums flood over the wealthy neighborhoods. The shacks fill every open space, built up against skyscrapers, in parks, or freeway medians. But Perus provides such an interesting example because the areas of rich, poor, poorer and poorest are clearly defined and divided. The highway, the river, and the train tracks, run together for twenty miles or so, out of São Paulo. At Perus they part, dividing the town into four distinct sections. Panning the town from East to West you pass through the entire spectrum, from rich multi-storied brick houses on the hill, to tiny slanted plywood shacks on the muddy riverbank.
The rich, legitimate part of town covers the hillside east of the highway. A poorer neighborhood fills the area between the highway and the railroad tracks. From the tracks to the river the town tumbles into the old favela, a jumbled conglomerate of houses, shops, narrow alleyways and twisted roads. Beyond the river sits the Recanto.
According to Maria, the legitimate Perus was built in the 1970’s. Businessmen came, looking to get out of the city, and the highway was built to give them a speedy commute. Poor workers came as domestic servants or shopkeepers, and the government built them the railroad.
“No one built on this side of the tracks until the nineties. We were some of the first. When we got here it was a dump.”
“Literally,” my companion smiled and Maria nodded.
In fact all the land west of the tracks and east of the river was government owned and designated as a landfill. The land beyond the river belonged to an absent, and essentially faceless owner who, everyone assumed, lived in the city.
In the early nineties, slum populations in São Paulo exploded, overflowing into areas like Perus. The people carved a neighborhood right out of the landfill, building their homes with anything they could find.
“You’d be surprised what those richies throw away,” Maria says gesturing to the corrugated steel roof. “We dug this out of a mound down by the river. I insisted on real clay brick for the walls, but the Oliveiras down the alley, they built that house out of blue water barrels. Every month they cover up one or two with concrete. Whenever they can afford the cement. ”
Originally lines and pipes crossed over the tracks bringing pirated water and electricity. The Favela itself was graded from poor to poorer, with the poorest families living closest to the river.
“The river became an open sewer,” Maria said shaking her head, “drugs, violence, disease and death, they were everywhere.”
Government officials in every major city in the South faced the same dilemma. They could barely estimate how many people lived in the favelas, let alone provide for them. By 1995, Perus’ actual population was at least ten times the official head count. Half the town stole electricity and water. Children flooded the schools, and there was absolutely nowhere to send the people.
“What about the government housing?” I asked. On train rides through the city I’d seen the massive concrete apartment complexes, lined one after another like wasps nests. Called COHAB’s (co-habitation units), they must have been a massive undertaking.
“The COHAB’s,” Maria snorted. “They’re so much worse than the favelas.”
Despite the scale of the COHAB project, it fell desperately short of its goal.
“I’ve been to see them,” she went on. “My cousin lived in a COHAB for three years. Horrible, Elder, just horrible.”
She told us how large families from the North are crammed into one-room apartments. How the housing complexes breed organized crime, and are often the most dangerous parts of the city.
“People only move to the COHAB’s if they have to, if they get in trouble with the government or something. They move in, get in debt to the drug lords and the cops, and can’t leave.” She told us that many of the people in the Perus had fled the COHAB’s, often leaving behind all their possessions and bolting in the middle of the night.
“It’s true,” my companion added. “There were COHAB’s in my last area and we weren’t allowed anywhere near them after dark.”
When the COHAB’s began to fail the government tried to entice people to move back to the countryside. Brazil built a new capitol city, Brasilia, built in 1960, as an early effort to draw people into the country and away from the urban coast. In the 1990’s the government granted enormous subsidies to Northern ranchers in hopes of bolstering the agricultural economy. Today Brazil has one of the largest beef industries in the world with over190 million cattle. But cattle tycoons and foreign investors dominate the industry. The grants helped Americans get 39-cent hamburgers but gave few opportunities to farm workers. With no schools, no hospitals, no infrastructure of any kind, for families like Maria’s there was no going back North.
In the mid 1990’s, the government tried land reform; giving the favelas to their inhabitants. In Perus, they paved a few roads, built power lines, basic sewage systems, and even a primary school. The neighborhood was laid out poorly, and hastily built, but it was a neighborhood.
These land reforms, meant to ease the favela problem, only exacerbated it, causing a new major internal migration.
“At first the flow of newcomers was steady,” Maria told us, “but word reached the North that the government was giving away land. For a sharecropper or a plantation worker that’s like saying they discovered a gateway straight to heaven. The people flooded down.
“ But the government could hardly be surprised,” Maria, laughed. “The promise of free land always brings waves of people.”
These people came in the same way Europeans flooded through Ellis Island, or American pioneers pushed through the west. Many Northerners actually came to São Paulo in wagons, trailing livestock.
Maria and Claudio were both born from a long line of sharecroppers and plantation workers. São Paulo was going to be their ticket out, their “better life for their children.” For fifteen years they dug a living out of the old garbage dump. They raised their son Paulo and built a life, all on the money Claudio brought in from selling flowers. Every day for fifteen years he wheeled his barrow down to the train station, and every night he brought back beans and rice to his wife.
They succeeded. Paulo went to school, got a job in the city, married, had a daughter, and built a small brick home in the Recanto, just west of the river. But not every emigrant would succeed and as the years went by it became more and more difficult for newcomers.
Roses from the Ashes; Women of the Favella
We heard the sirens long before we saw the lights. We looked down the five-lane highway that twisted away from the town and disappeared into the green hills. I had no idea what the sirens meant. As a nineteen-year-old boy, raised in the mountains of Northern Utah, I could not imagine what the shrill wailing foretold. But the people of Perus knew. They knew what was coming, they knew it was pointless to resist, and they knew they had no time. The Policia Militar, the Brazilian Military Police, were coming to burn the favela.
We were not in the favela that day. A fellow missionary and I were working across the railroad tracks, on the hill above the Brazilian slum, in the legitimate part of Perus. Still, from our vantage point we saw everything. We saw the SUV’s tear around the last green hill and into view. They were big and white, with Policia Militar, glaring on their sides, in large black letters. Men with machine guns (machine guns!) hung out of their windows.
Most of the people scattered like roaches, fleeing toward the river or back into the town. Others did not run. They huddled in small groups, just waiting.
The police reached the edge of town, and swarmed across the open field, toward the slum. It didn’t take long. The groups of slanting shacks, huddled together like their frightened owners, fell easily into dead heaps and the police torched them. In explosions of blue sparks, the police cut the wires that piped stolen energy across the river. Like reapers at harvest, they cleared the ground.
The Policia did not chase the people who ran. They brandished machine guns but no one fired a shot. No reason to, the people did not resist. Why should they? They had, after all, so little to lose and the next favela would be exactly like this one.
A hot wind whipped across the burning field, lifting ashes across the river, and up into the rich neighborhood. We tasted the soot in the air. Flakes, like black snow, dusted the houses and smudged our white dress shirts. I was just a boy. An American teenager dropped as a missionary into one of the poorest places on earth. In the year and a half I’d spent in Brazil I’d learned the language, learned to talk and live with the people and, certainly, I’d grown to love them. Yet on that day, as I sat helpless on the curb, watching their houses burn, I was oblivious. I could not understand what had happened, much less why. I knew people who lived in the favela. I’d eaten with them, laughed with them, worshipped with them. Was I not one of them? Was this not my neighborhood burning?
As we sat on the curb in the drifting soot, my missionary companion and I, we were too afraid, too awestruck, to go down and cross the river. The sun set orange and red against the black smoke. Intense and focused, the sunset was a violent, beautiful sequel to the day’s burning destruction. We waited until the last SUV disappeared down the road. Then, in the coming darkness, we ran to the church house.
Lights shone in every window. Organ music, a slow gentle hymn, floated out into the darkness.
Maria was there. Her son and daughter-in-law were helping her husband Claudio up the steps. His heavy, swollen legs oozed an opaque mucus, a late stage of elephantiasis. Josette comforted her grandmother who slumped in a pew. Where was Luã, Josette’s little brother? Ah, he was playing in the hall with the twin girls, Aliane and Eliane. Where was their father? Not here. Ann rushed forward to help Claudio up the steps; none of the orphans were with her. Good. That meant the orphanage was safe. The fire hadn’t crossed the river.
Where was Rose Angela? Of course, she would come last. She would be the last to leave the favela, the last to retreat. Rose Angela would be counting all the children, helping all the elderly; she would be caring for the entire town. Soon her daughter Jakaline appeared out of the night cradling her little brother. Only eleven years old, Jakaline, carried her brother like a mother would. She walked as a woman would walk. She set Arnaldo down gently, calmly, her eyes glistened wet and heavy. “Mom told me to come here,” she said glancing backward into the night. “She’s still down in the Recanto.”
O Recanto dos Humildes, that’s what the locals called the favela. It means the “Refuge of the Humble,” not the only favela in the town, but the only one built on land with an owner whose political connections could have it cleared.
Only ten families in our congregation lost their homes in the fire, but everyone came down to the church house. As I expected, Rose Angela arrived last, her white smile shining out of her round face, smudged with dirt and ash.
I trembled with sadness, or anger, or perhaps fear, some intense emotion I was too young to be familiar with. Everyone else seemed calm, lounging about on the floor or in the pews, as if on their own porches. They talked, told stories, even laughed.
Until that night I thought I’d grown accustomed to life in the favela. I’d seen hardship, sickness, poverty, even death. I thought I understood life there. I thought I could share in anything they’d have to face. But I was from another world. Two places couldn’t be more different than Perus and Layton, Utah.
Rose Angela gathered the women together before the pulpit to sing, and as I looked from woman to woman, from face to face, I felt more like a foreigner than the day I stepped off the train.
Photo: View from above Perus. Edited by DBC www.connerstudio.blogspot.com